BOOK REVIEW
Dear Mr. Buffett
by
Janet Tavakoli
Page Contents
FUTURECASTS online magazine
www.futurecasts.com
Vol. 11, No. 7, 7/1/09
The Credit Crunch
Government allocation of credit:
Moral hazard and conflicts of interest! |
Janet Tavakoli is an expert on sophisticated financial
instruments and maintains a close correspondence relationship with Warren
Buffett. In "Dear Mr. Buffett: What an Investor Learns 1,269 Miles from Wall
Street," she explains the myriad elements of the Credit Crunch financial
crisis up to about October 2008. Moral hazard and conflicts of interest lurk
at every level of this convoluted story. See, "Moral Hazard & Conflicts of Interest." |
Money managers viewed mortgage backed
securities as particularly safe because they were secured by solid
collateral such as homes and commercial property. Americans have for a long time
had a reputation for paying their mortgages.
|
Without skin in the game, all management incentives favored greed rather than caution. The growth that extraordinary leverage made possible justified high salaries and generous bonuses for top management.
Because they were highly leveraged, they were extremely vulnerable to failure and would have been dependent on the highest lending standards but for their implicit government guarantees. |
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were private corporations, but they
had been sponsored by the government and it was widely perceived that their obligations would be backed
by the government. The implied government guarantees substantially
reduced their borrowing costs, giving them a huge competitive advantage that
enabled them to dominate their markets and grow into financial giants. Without
skin in the game, all management incentives favored greed rather than caution.
The growth that extraordinary leverage made possible justified high salaries and generous bonuses for top management. The
guarantee implication proved correct when the government took them over in 2008
and provided many tens of billions of dollars so their creditors could be paid.
With the implicit government guarantees, Fannie and Freddie were able to pass
their bond market savings on to mortgage lenders and the mortgage market without
any expense for the Federal budget - until collapse caused losses of hundreds of
billions of dollars. |
The Federal Reserve Bank kept interest rates extraordinarily low for extraordinary lengths of time providing fuel for bubble mania throughout the financial system.
Top management of the investment banks cared not since they were no longer partners personally liable for losses. In preparation for this high risk game, the investment bank partnerships had all become corporations. All the equity risks had been transferred to shareholders. |
Prudent standards for mortgage loans protect not only the
lender, but also keep the borrower from getting in over his head, deter a
variety of speculators and mischief makers, and protect the entire U.S. economy
from disruption in this major financial sector. "The overall size of the U.S. residential mortgage loan market
is around $1.1 trillion, of which a little more than 11 percent is subprime
and more than 10.4 percent is Alt-A." |
A popular form of bonus is the stock option.
Stock options were considered a cost imposed directly on the shareholders rather than
on the corporation. |
|
Stock options can be used to facilitate the milking of corporate assets. Revenue flows can be manipulated to produce surges in profits and share prices for the benefit of option holders. |
Stock options diluted shareholdings but were not reflected as a cost to the company since
there was no way to precisely value them. Their value depended on whether and
how far stock prices would rise above the option price. Supposedly, the options
are worth this cost because they aligned management interests with the
shareholder interest in rising stock prices. |
Warren Buffett has advocated expensing stock options since
as far back as the 1980s. This could only be based on approximate figures, but accounting is
a nebulous art that is full of such approximations. A reasonable figure
would immediately shed some light on the cost that options impose on
shareholders. It would also show them as a cost to the corporation that reduced reported
"earnings" on which bonuses are based.
|
The standard 30 year fixed rate mortgage
backed by a substantial down payment and equity in the house and prudent
lending standards was displaced by a variety of dodgy alternatives. |
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There were adjustable rate mortgages - ARMs - for
terms as long as 45 years - with low initial teaser rates for the first few
years. These comprised about 80% of 2006 loan originations. Even more attractive
were interest only - IO - mortgages that depended on rising housing prices to
increase the homeowner's equity in the home. There were "negative
amortization" ARMs. They were called "liar loans" because nobody
insisted on verification of the borrower's stated income. Initial payments
actually didn't even cover interest costs. They, too, depended on rising housing
prices to increase the homeowner's equity. Since the fees for such loans were
higher than for standard full documentation loans, there was actually more
incentive for brokers to
create them than to create standard prudent mortgage loans.
By 2004, there were even NINA loans - no documentation, no income
verification, no asset verification, no ratio of debt to income calculation -
and SISA loans - dependent on stated income and stated assets without
verification. The FHA guaranteed some of these loans and Fannie Mae and Freddie
Mac bought them, pumping billions of dollars into the mortgage madness mill. |
|
It was Bush (II) administration policy to pump up the bubble even bigger and faster. The Federal Comptroller of the Currency countermanded state predatory lending laws over the unanimous objection of all 50 states. |
Since the generation of fees was the objective throughout the mortgage market, and there was no personal cost or risk for generating dodgy mortgages, it
did not take long for the markets to attract the ethically challenged. The ranks
of the mortgage brokers swelled. Unqualified borrowers were encouraged or
assisted in submitting false documentation. Brokers employed appraisers
who provided the most liberal appraisals of home value. In little more than 18
months, 262 major mortgage lenders went out of business when the bubble burst -
"an unprecedented failure rate." The FBI stepped in and charged 406
defendants with mortgage fraud in the year to June 2008 - but no Wall Street big
shots were as yet among them.
With the Credit Crunch, minority home ownership is now lower than in 2002 and millions who have lost homes have also lost their credit. Tavakoli describes the carnage among the minority home purchasers who were the beneficiaries of this political brilliance.
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The mortgage-backed securities bubble: |
The securitization of mortgages for
sale to investors is a vehicle for increasing the mortgage money available for
homebuyers and other real estate purchasers. However, without prudent lending
standards by the mortgage originators or due diligence by the investment banks
that bundle the mortgages into securities for sale to investors, it becomes a
vehicle for abuse. |
Due diligence is as simple as not lending money to people who might not be able to pay you back. |
The incentives for abuse arise from the fees earned by each
party along the way between the mortgage borrower and the ultimate investor. As
long as there are investors willing to take the mortgage-backed securities,
there is little incentive for due diligence among the intermediate parties. At
the end of the day, they will have no skin in the game. |
|
The mortgage-backed securities market became just a giant Ponzi scheme made credible by
explicit and implicit government guarantees and government regulatory oversight
that lulled investors into complacency. This "moral hazard" shredded
market restraints on conflicts of interest abuses. With this government support,
the market for mortgage-backed and other collateralized debt securities grew to involve trillions of dollars. |
The investment banks were actually "marking to myth," and they actually accelerated securitization activity through the first quarter of 2007. |
When housing prices began to slip, investment banks refused
to mark down their inventory of increasingly toxic assets. That would have
affected their capital ratios and cramped their activities. Instead of
marking to market, they marked to models based on rosy assumptions. After all,
there wasn't any market that could provide definitive prices (and there still
isn't). The investment banks were actually "marking to myth," Tavakoli
points out, and they actually accelerated securitization activity through the
first quarter of 2007. & |
Investors that were restricted to investment grade securities suffered massive losses when they were forced to sell securities that were no longer awarded investment grade status. Even when the interest payments continued, the principal was declining sharply. The ability to attract vast sums from investors who didn't appreciate the limited nature of the ratings kept the mortgage madness going. |
The ratings agencies played a major role in the mortgage backed
securities madness. They provided investment grade ratings -
triple B or above - to some of these securities by dividing them up into
segments - called "tranches" - with those segments bearing the risks
of initial defaults and offering the highest yields rated lowest. Double A rated
segments were thus protected by lower rated segments bearing the risks of the
first 16% of defaults, and triple A rated segments had 24% protection -
called "subordination." A super triple A segment had 70% protection. |
"A model will calculate the wrong answer to nine decimal places, but it cannot tell you it is the wrong answer." |
The weaknesses of ratings for derivatives and the mathematical models on which they are based are explained in some depth by Tavakoli. The short explanation is that the models and ratings are not based on actual examination of the corporations whose securities are the bases for the derivatives being modeled. The models and ratings are all based on data that becomes irrelevant during volatile times. Moreover, the data can be suspect to begin with. And the situation with respect to collateralized debt securities is even worse.
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Using a single letter grade cannot cover both default and recovery rates and, during economic contractions, generally covers neither. |
Both default rates and asset recovery rates in the event of default
are relevant for evaluating risk. A default where the underlying collateral
retains significant independent value is obviously different from a default
where there can be little recovery because it involves the collapse of the
collateral. However, using a single letter grade cannot cover
both default and recovery rates and, during economic contractions, generally covers neither.
Berkshire Hathaway is the corporation run by Buffett. Being an insurer,
it makes money not only on the
mispriced risks it accepts at realistic prices but also on the sizable premiums
it has the use of before any of the insured risks eventuate. |
Hedge funds: Investment banks suddenly stopped buying mortgages from mortgage brokers. |
The
houses of cards began to crumble when housing prices began to slip in the summer of 2007.
Bear Stearns Asset
Management hedge funds were major participants in the game, and now began collapsing.
Investors began to shun collateralized debt
securities of all kinds. Mortgages began to pile up in investment bank hands so
the investment banks suddenly stopped buying mortgages from mortgage brokers. |
Few hedge fund managers are worth anywhere near the outsized salaries and bonuses that they take from their funds. Moreover, the field is full of hype and outright fraud. Returns are routinely misrepresented.
"Multiyear returns are rarely dollar weighted, so returns are overstated, because large slugs of new money are earning lower returns. As the fund grows, it is harder to make excess market returns, since it is harder to find those incrementally attractive new ideas." |
There are only a few hedge funds that live up to their hype or
justify their outsized management fees, Tavakoli explains. Annual fees can be as
much as 2% to 5% of assets plus 20% to 44% of the profits for any profitable
year. Clearly, there is great incentive to leverage bets and take outsized risks
to achieve a highly profitable year. In addition, they charge administrative
fees of about 0.5% per year and engage in such dubious practices as trading
"soft dollars" for research from investment banks, lending money from fund
assets for the personal use of fund managers, and commingling fund assets with
broker assets.
Tavakoli uses 25 pages to demystify hedge funds. After costs and fees, few hedge funds will consistently outperform the market. Being highly leveraged, many soar during prosperous times - and crash and burn during economic contractions. Since those that crash and burn are no longer included in hedge fund averages, there is "survivorship bias" that makes hedge funds as a group look deceptively attractive. There is also "creation bias." Only funds that hit it big at the beginning attract billions in new investments. Those that suffer failure right at the beginning are never reported. Moreover, those that do hit it big at the beginning are seldom as good as they seem thereafter.
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Investment banks and prime brokers affiliated with banks lend
vast sums to hedge funds on margins of as little as 10%. They receive big fees
for these loans so they try not to think of a large hedge fund borrower going
broke. The fees were so good that investment banks began encouraging and
facilitating hedge fund startups and operations. They provided office space,
back office clearance, accounting, legal support, marketing support, and even
invested seed capital. Their prime brokers might provide financing for leverage,
set up custody accounts, act as settlement agent, and prepare accounting
statements. They might even provide risk management and trade ideas.
Buffett avoids leverage. He does not reach for the big returns that leverage makes possible. Instead, he assumes responsibility for sheltering shareholders "from leverage's swift and painful downside."
|
Collateralized debt obligations -
CDOs - vary widely in depth and complexity. They may involve one layer of one type of
debt - like mortgage-backed securities - or may be multi-layered beasts combining many
types of debt of opaque complexity. |
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There is, of course, a steady flow of legitimate CDOs used to bring in funds for legitimate purposes. Into this flow it is easy for a financial institution to dump its trash. |
There are CDO deals and CDO squared deals, and CDO cubed deals.
Mortgage loans,
credit derivatives, asset-backed securities, mortgage-backed securities, other
CDOs, hedge fund loans, credit card loans, auto loans, bonds, leveraged
corporate loans, sovereign debt, etc., can be bundled together in various ways.
|
The purchasers rely on the ratings and the reputations of the underwriter to satisfy their due diligence obligations because these investment managers do not really understand what they are buying. |
These CDOs are sold to institutional investment managers. The purchasers rely on the ratings and the reputations of the underwriter to satisfy their due diligence obligations because these investment managers do not really understand what they are buying. They aren't really worried about risk, either, because they are playing with other people's money. They are attracted to the higher yields on offer that justify their high salaries and bonuses. Thus, when the bubbles burst, mutual funds, pension funds, bank portfolios, insurance companies, local government funds, private investment groups all lost billions. They were shocked - shocked - that investments they didn't understand failed to fulfill expectations.
Inevitably, the market turned against CDOs, so the investment banks came up with structured investment vehicles called "SIV-lites." They had less protection than ordinary SIVs. Into these SIVs were dumped the overrated AAA tranches of CDOs which the rating agencies duly rated AAA so that they could support AAA rated commercial paper. But they were backed by subprime debt. Inevitably, when the underlying subprime debt suffered massive downgrades and price declines, the SIVs declined with them.
|
& |
The income statements of Merrill Lynch
and the big investment banks
were several quarters late in recognizing their losses - and the SEC did nothing
about it. The reporting was "Enronesque," Tavakoli stated publicly at
the time. The government was occupied in spreading white wash. |
"The direct and indirect costs to the U.S. taxpayer will be difficult to assess because of creative accounting that delays the recognition of the true problem." |
Government enforcement efforts were initially restricted to the small fish. However, deceptive practices civil suits are being directed at some of the Wall Street big shots who grew wealthy while they impoverished their firms and shareholders, and enforcement actions against some of them are in the works.
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"Rating agency models do not capture these huge risks, yet the rating agencies never seem to refuse to rate these deals." |
Ultimately, investment banks such as Merrill Lynch,
Citigroup, Calyon, Lehman, Bear Stearns, Credit Suisse were stuck with billions in unsold
CDOs. Not to worry! They bought "bond insurance," obtained credit
protection from hedge funds, and engaged in a variety of leveraged sales.
However, ultimately, as failures multiplied, the entire market shut down for
legitimate as well as risky investment vehicles. It was just too difficult to
distinguish the one from the other. Not to worry! The investment banks could
still get their buddies at the Federal Reserve to take their overrated AAA
paper.
Both Buffett and Tavakoli were aware that "the market was overleveraged, rating agencies misrated debt, and investment banking models were incorrect." They - and several other professionals - knew that credit derivatives contributed to the excess leverage. Buffett's periodic shareholder letters - available on his web site - "told investors everything they had to know about overpriced securitizations." This was no mere child shouting that the securitization king was naked. Nevertheless, the "authoritative" people - in Wall Street, Washington and the economics profession - went right on admiring the economy's sartorial splendor.
Moral hazard and conflicts of interest permeate these deals.
|
Buffett provides a simple guide to investment management ethics.
You
of course start with what is legal, but you also restrict yourself to what you
would feel comfortable with if it were printed on the front page of your local
paper. Those who cut corners are doing it for their own benefit, not for your
benefit or the benefit of their other investors. & The stock of Moody's Corp., one of the big three rating agencies, rose almost 700% in about eighteen months to the end of 2006 "due chiefly to revenues generated from rating structured financial products." In 2007, its stock price gave back about 50% due to the developing credit crunch. & |
& |
The rating agencies work on the basis of
statistical probability of default and estimates of expected loss, Tavakoli
explains. They are not auditors or investigators. They adamantly insist that
they "are not empowered or able to unearth fraud." & |
"They take data at face value, slap a rating on a dodgy securitization, and pocket a fat fee."
Equity capital is flexible enough to bend without breaking, debt capital is inflexible and shatters like glass. |
They are thus dependent on the information disclosed to them and on their statistical models. It is the deal sponsors and investment bank underwriters that are responsible for due diligence - but the rating agencies did not even demand evidence that this due diligence was properly performed.
All this is essential to understand the character of the risk being
modeled. Obviously, new financial instruments with new risk characteristics
can't be modeled on the basis of old data on existing instruments. Lacking data
on the new instruments or the track record of the instrument managers, the
ratings become meaningless guesswork
There is an obvious difference between corporate securities and securitized debt
obligations. If corporate earnings fall and corporate stock prices
decline, a good corporation can always bounce back. However, if earnings for a
CDO fall, it means it has suffered some defaults, and those will never recover.
Equity capital is flexible enough to bend without breaking, debt capital is
inflexible and shatters like glass.
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& |
The big dominoes began to fall. Countrywide, Indy Mac, Washington
Mutual had plunged wildly into the subprime mortgage madness. The Federal
Deposit Insurance Corp. had to dig deep into its $53 billion deposit insurance
fund, but it is one of the bank regulators along with the Office of Thrift
Supervision that failed to regulate lending standards and so deserves its
problems. The Credit Crunch was on
and the taxpayer was about to get clobbered. & |
When the collateral of one of the Bear Stearns hedge funds was seized and put up for sale, the low prices on offer were staggering. Disclosure would have demonstrated huge losses for the lenders, but there was determined effort to ignore them. |
The loose investing practices at Bear Stearns and
its numerous hedge funds are explained at some length by Tavakoli. |
A variety of over-leveraged hedge funds bet the ranch on the
basis of market models created without understanding of the underlying
collateral. However, market research tells you nothing. Only fundamental
analysis of the underlying assets compared with the market price reveals
"fair value." This is the heart of the Benjamin Graham approach to
investing followed by Warren Buffett. Buy a stock when it is below its fair
value and sell it when it is above its fair value, determined after careful
analysis. & There were spectacular collapses as the meager market value of dodgy collateral was made manifest. Some of those collapses are set forth by Tavakoli. The troubles of the hedge funds quickly became the troubles of the investment banks that backed them, like Bear Stearns and Carlyle Capital. However, in March 2008, the Fed came to the rescue of Carlyle Group and other investment banks and major equity firms. It began accepting triple A mortgage backed securities for discount at 95¢ on the dollar. Hedge funds went under but the well connected Carlyle Capital Group sponsor survived. & However, not Bear Stearns. As March 2008 proceeded, the market was demanding 3% more collateral for highest grade mortgage backed bonds such as those issued by the increasingly troubled giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Alt-A backed bonds now needed 30% more collateral. Market funding dried up. The Fed would not take Alt-A securities, and its emergency Term Securities Lending Facility - TSLF- for triple A securities was slow getting started. Suddenly Bear Stearns had no friends. Clients pulled billions out of their Bear Stearns trading accounts. & |
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Highly leveraged with huge bets on illiquid assets that had no clear market value, investment banks were vulnerable to any loss of confidence in their solvency. The short term financing on which their operations were based could disappear in a flash. |
The Fed was designed to protect banks, Tavakoli points out, not
nonbank investment banks and nonbank primary dealers. However, well connected
Wall Street interests needed help and the Fed was riding to the rescue. After
all, it's just taxpayer money, and the Fed can print up as much as needed.
Ultimately, J.P. Morgan Chase was induced to buy Bear Stearns and its
toxic assets for $2.2 billion - or $10 per share - and a $30 billion Fed
facility for some of Bear Stearns' riskiest assets. J.P. Morgan Chase was also
at risk for $1 billion of Bear Stearns losses. The author discounts the Fed's
apocalyptic explanations for brokering the bailout and argues that a bankruptcy
would have been better, like that involving Drexel Burnham Lambert twenty years
earlier. (There is no comparison between the risks of financial contagion then
and now.) |
Nationalizing the losses: |
The collapse and Federal takeover of AIG, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac at huge and continuing expense in the hundreds
of billions of dollars came in September, 2008. Tavakoli tells about the
maneuvers and personalities involved. & |
The government took over these fallen giants and replaced
management with experienced Wall Street hands. Many of these replacements,
however, had been involved
in prior regulatory and management failures. Moody's rating for AIG was in
decline, but still at investment grade single A when it was taken over by the
Federal government. & However, AIG was an insurer. It had been making money on $441 billion of credit default protection for the risky bets of JPMorgan and Goldman Sachs and similar outfits worldwide. With all of these bets going south at the same time, there was no way AIG could cover its credit default insurance obligations, and that put Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan, among others, at risk. & The Fed would not let that happen to its Wall Street buddies. It rushed in with an $85 billion line of credit to back AIG in exchange for interest payments and stock warrants for almost 80% of AIG. Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson and a solid lineup of Wall Street leaders supported the AIG bailout. After all, the money flowed right through AIG and out to them pursuant to their credit default insurance agreements. (And Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley would virtuously be able to maintain the fiction that they did not need a Federal bailout.) & |
Institutions need only put up some small portion of their illiquid assets for sale to see what they will bring, so there is no excuse for this retreat from mark to market standards. |
The SEC retreated from its mark-to-market accounting requirements
in March 2008. Because of the tough market conditions, it permitted assets to be
marked to models. This, Tavakoli asserts, is really a "mark-to-myth"
standard. If there is no market, institutions need only put up some small
portion of their assets for sale to see what they will bring, so there is
no excuse for this retreat. Soon, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch
and similar institutions were increasing their mark-to-model accounting category
by many tens of billions of dollars. & |
Lehman Brothers began a feverish deleveraging campaign in 2008, selling $130 billion in assets and raising $12 billion in new capital -
but even that reduced its leverage only from 31.7 times to 25 times. It wasn't
enough.
|
& |
Bond insurers, too, succumbed to the moral hazard
and
conflicts of interest underlying the Credit Crunch. Bond insurers earn a
reasonable return for the useful service of insuring municipal bonds. This facilitates the
financing of local government operations for weaker municipalities that suffer
from low credit ratings. & |
However, some of the bond insurers simply couldn't resist
the fees
on offer for insuring subprime home equity loans. Unfortunately, they have
nowhere near the funds needed to pay off on their insurance obligations in the
face of the wholesale carnage of the Credit Crunch. They, too, had an
overconfident outlook on home mortgage obligations and remained determinedly
blind to the blossoming housing and mortgage bubbles. The protection offered by
this "insurance" was thus fictitious - unless the taxpayers could be
stuck with the losses. Why not?
Many banks and investment banks have paid fines to settle enforcement
actions and have agreed to buy back the auction rate securities at full price.
There are obvious conflicts of interest with retail customers that have led to
civil suits. |
|
If the insurance was no good, major banks and investment banks would have to take huge losses on their insured toxic assets.
If the bond insurers failed or lost their triple A ratings, a flood of risk would pour back into investment bank balance sheets. |
The alarm was being sounded by many securities industry professionals
in 2007, but Standard and Poor's persisted in rating the largest
bond insurers triple A throughout the year. If the insurance was no good, major
banks and investment banks would have to take huge losses on their insured toxic
assets. Pressure was put on the investment banks to come up with money to help the
insurers. After all, the investment banks had the due diligence obligations for these transactions and had clearly failed to fulfill those obligations with
respect to the insured toxic assets. If the bond insurers failed or lost their
triple A ratings, a flood of risk would pour back into investment bank balance
sheets. |
The government has played a major
role in creating the financial bubbles of the Credit Crunch, Tavakoli points
out. It is the government, after all, that creates moral hazard. & |
|
"Cheap money fueled bad lending, including predatory lending, and cheap money expanded the housing bubble."
The Fed is now discounting long term and illiquid assets that it will never be able to liquidate except at a steep loss.
The Fed is now a backstop not just for the banks but for the entire financial system - and it has no regulatory authority except for the banks and collects no fees for this service.
Unlike deposit insurance, there is no fund maintained to cover losses. It is the taxpayers that bear all the expenses for these government guarantees, while those who indulge in reckless activities reap the rewards while they are successful. |
The Credit Crunch recession is primarily the result of poor (indeed stupid) government policies rather than market failure. Among many other things:
The Fed responds to moral hazard complaints by pointing out that the shareholders of the financial institutions it has bailed out have lost big, and that top management are typically major shareholders. However, the chief beneficiaries of the bailouts are the creditors that recklessly chased yield up the risk curve and enabled the investment banks and hedge funds to operate recklessly at 30-to-1 or 40-to-1 leverage levels. These same leverage levels enabled management to bank big salaries and bonuses. Thus:
Tavakoli correctly insists that it was vital to let these overextended institutions fail. (The right to fail is as important as the right to succeed for capitalist markets.) Moreover, the bailouts have not as yet come with appropriate regulatory strings and expenses. There is really nothing to prevent similar conduct in the future. Unlike deposit insurance, there is no fund maintained to cover losses. It is the taxpayers that bear all the expenses for these government guarantees, while those who indulge in reckless activities reap the rewards while they are successful.
|
The Middle East?
& |
For no apparent reason, Tavakoli added a chapter on Middle East problems, on which she shed more heat than light with a scattershot of points of varying accuracy. This is not a subject that can profitably be examined in just 15 pages in a book that is in reality on an entirely different subject. |
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Copyright © 2009 Dan Blatt